Pierre Bourdieu
Collection Cerf Politique
128 pages - janv. 2012
15,40€
L'ensemble des observateurs s'accorde à repérer une inflexion majeure dans le parcours intellectuel de Pierre Bourdieu entre 1982 et sa disparition en 2002. Alors que sa sociologie revendiquait de longue date une dimension « critique », l'engagement de Bourdieu dans le mouvement social de 1995 accélère un positionnement plus ambitieux. Il entend, en effet, offrir un substitut attractif à un référent marxiste totalement démonétisé et redéfinir les termes d'une pensée radicale. D'une part, l'ennemi est clairement identifié : la « mondialisation néolibérale » qui plie les sociétés aux lois du marché et détruit les acquis de l'État-providence. D'autre part, une nouvelle avant-garde est désignée : il ne s'agit plus d'un parti de type léniniste mais d'une élite intellectuelle adossée aux ressources de la sociologie critique, qui apportera aux forces de résistance la rigueur scientifique et la lucidité politique qui leur font trop souvent défaut. Enfin, la « Pensée Bourdieu » s'emploie à définir une « utopie rationnelle » et à proposer à la multiplicité des mouvements sociaux un horizon concret d'émancipation. Pourtant deux considérations nous incitent à nuancer la portée de cette mutation. Bourdieu n'est jamais revenu sur la détestation que lui ont toujours inspirée les principes et les procédures démocratiques. De plus, il aura porté à son paroxysme une célébration de la figure de l'intellectuel critique qui était déjà au cœur de son engagement sociologique. Au final, la visée utopique qui était la sienne se résumera à une stratégie plus modeste afin d'ancrer un vrai « pouvoir intellectuel » au sein d'une société qui subordonne toujours plus l'autorité des intellectuels à leur visibilité médiatique.
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Most observers agree to the existence of a significant deviation in the intellectual itinerary of Pierre Bourdieu between 1982 and his death in 2002. Although his sociology had claimed for many years a ‘critical’ dimension, Bourdieu’s commitment in the social movement of 1995 speedily led to a more ambitious stance. His intention was in fact to offer an attractive substitute to a totally demonetized Marxist referent and redefine the terms of a radical philosophy. On the one hand, the enemy is clearly identified: ‘neoliberal globalization’ which makes societies bow down to market law and destroys the acquisitions of the Welfare State. On the other hand, a new avant-garde is defined: it is no longer a Leninist type of party but an intellectual élite backed up by the resources of critical sociology, which will provide the forces of resistance with the scientific rigor and political lucidity they have so often lacked. Finally, the ‘Bourdieu philosophy’ worked to define a ‘rational utopia’ and proposed a tangible horizon of emancipation to the multiple social movements. Yet two considerations lead us to nuance the results of this mutation. Firstly, Bourdieu never abandoned his hatred of democratic principles and procedures. Moreover, he took the celebration of the figure of the critical intellectual, who was already at the core of his sociological commitment, to the point of paroxysm. Finally, his utopic aim was boiled down to a more modest strategy in order to let ‘intellectual power’ take root within a society that increasingly relates the authority of intellectuals to their presence in the media.
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Most observers agree to the existence of a significant deviation in the intellectual itinerary of Pierre Bourdieu between 1982 and his death in 2002. Although his sociology had claimed for many years a ‘critical’ dimension, Bourdieu’s commitment in the social movement of 1995 speedily led to a more ambitious stance. His intention was in fact to offer an attractive substitute to a totally demonetized Marxist referent and redefine the terms of a radical philosophy. On the one hand, the enemy is clearly identified: ‘neoliberal globalization’ which makes societies bow down to market law and destroys the acquisitions of the Welfare State. On the other hand, a new avant-garde is defined: it is no longer a Leninist type of party but an intellectual élite backed up by the resources of critical sociology, which will provide the forces of resistance with the scientific rigor and political lucidity they have so often lacked. Finally, the ‘Bourdieu philosophy’ worked to define a ‘rational utopia’ and proposed a tangible horizon of emancipation to the multiple social movements. Yet two considerations lead us to nuance the results of this mutation. Firstly, Bourdieu never abandoned his hatred of democratic principles and procedures. Moreover, he took the celebration of the figure of the critical intellectual, who was already at the core of his sociological commitment, to the point of paroxysm. Finally, his utopic aim was boiled down to a more modest strategy in order to let ‘intellectual power’ take root within a society that increasingly relates the authority of intellectuals to their presence in the media.
- Dimensions : 130x210x10
- ISBN : 9782204097031
- Poids : 180 grammes
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